{"id":17109,"date":"2024-09-27T10:15:39","date_gmt":"2024-09-27T08:15:39","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/uet.edu.al\/?p=17109"},"modified":"2024-09-30T13:15:57","modified_gmt":"2024-09-30T11:15:57","slug":"forumet-uet-publicisti-migjen-kelmendi-kthimi-i-rolit-te-serbise-si-lidere-ne-rajon","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/uet.edu.al\/en\/forumet-uet-publicisti-migjen-kelmendi-kthimi-i-rolit-te-serbise-si-lidere-ne-rajon\/","title":{"rendered":"FORUMET UET\/ Publicisti Migjen Kelmendi: Kthimi i rolit t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb si lidere n\u00eb rajon"},"content":{"rendered":"

Gazetari, publicisti, intelektuali, shkrimtari Migjen Kelmendi ishte i ftuari i dyt\u00eb i Forumeve UET, i cili u rikthye s\u00ebrish n\u00eb auditor\u00eb jo p\u00ebr promovim libri, por p\u00ebr t\u00eb diskutuar mbi situat\u00ebn n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb: t\u00eb shkuar\u00ebn, t\u00eb tashmen dhe t\u00eb ardhmen e saj. Q\u00ebndrimi i Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb dhe kryeministrit Rama, qasja e re e SHBA-s\u00eb dhe Bashkimit Europian ndaj Serbis\u00eb; konjukturat e reja n\u00eb Ballkan me ndryshimin e tre qeverive; q\u00ebndrimi i opozit\u00ebs kosovare; ishin disa prej \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve q\u00eb u prek\u00ebn gjat\u00eb bashk\u00ebbisedimit me student\u00eb dhe pedagog\u00eb t\u00eb UET, n\u00ebn tematik\u00ebn \u201cKosova, 25 vjet m\u00eb pas\u201d.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet sht\u00ebpis\u00eb botuese UET Press, Kelmendi ka ardhur te lexuesi i Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb me dy botime: librin \u201cUn\u00eb jam Kosov\u00eb\u201d, nj\u00eb p\u00ebrmbledhje shkrimesh t\u00eb botuara n\u00eb gazetat \u201cJAVA\u201d dhe \u201cKoha Ditore\u201d, prej vitit 1999 e deri m\u00eb 2008-n, dhe romanin \u201cGryka e koh\u00ebs\u201d, i botuar p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb 1994.<\/p>\n

Ju keni shkruar p<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>r Kosov<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>n si shtet multietnik qytetar, i t<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>drejtave t<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>njeriut, i barazis<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>gjinore. Pa p<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>rmendur <\/strong>\u00e7\u00eb<\/strong>shtjen etnike q<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>duket e tejkaluar, sot jemi te e ardhmja, 25 vite m<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>pas, nga ato dor<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>shkrime q<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>jan<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>botuar n<\/strong>\u00eb \u201c<\/strong>Koha ditore<\/strong>\u201d, dhe n<\/strong>\u00eb gazet<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>n<\/strong> \u201c<\/strong>Java<\/strong>\u201d<\/strong>, q<\/strong>\u00eb duhet th\u00eb<\/strong>n<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>ishte i pari organ shtypi i shkruar n<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>gegnisht. Sot, 25 vjet m<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>pas, ku <\/strong>\u00ebsht\u00eb <\/strong>Kosova e <\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>nd<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>rruar, e parashikuar multietnike qytetare? <\/strong><\/p>\n

Bashk\u00ebpunimi me UET m\u2019ka ba me ardh\u00eb sot k\u00ebtu, se po bahen 3 vjet q\u00eb po e evitoj daljen n\u00eb publik. Tue e pas\u00eb nji korrelacion me UET, po e ndiej obligim me i nda disa observime t\u00eb mia t\u00eb fundit p\u00ebr situat\u00ebn politike n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi. Qysh p\u00ebrfundoi Kosova si shtet qytetar? E gjeni n\u00eb botimin e UET PRESS, \u201cUn\u00eb jam Kosov\u00eb\u201d, lib\u00ebr q\u00eb p\u00ebrmbledh\u00eb mendimet dhe opinionet e mia p\u00ebr nocionet e m\u00ebdha si shteti, kombi, gjuha, flamuri,\u00a0 q\u00eb e kishin anticipue Kosov\u00ebn si shtet qytetar. Kur e kishim lansue gazet\u00ebn \u201cJava\u201d, me 1 Dhetor 2001, lansuem debatin p\u00ebr identitetin kosovar: \u00e7ka domethan\u00eb \u2018kosovar\u2019; \u2018kusha asht Kosovari?\u2019; si artikulohet, si identifikohet?; qysh asht partikular n\u00eb raport me identitetin shqiptar? Ai debat ka qen\u00eb i gjat\u00eb dhe u p\u00ebrmbyll n\u00eb vitin 2005, i p\u00ebrmbledhun n\u00eb librin q\u00eb u botue shqip dhe anglisht: \u201cKush asht Kosovari – Debat mbi Identiteti kosovar\u201d.<\/p>\n

Lansue n\u00eb vitin 2001, k\u00ebto ishin tema delikate dhe t\u00eb gjith\u00eb mendojshin, tana partit\u00eb, elita e shkollueme e Kosov\u00ebs, nacionalistat e r\u00ebndomt\u00eb, jo mir\u00eb t\u00eb shkolluem, ishin t\u00eb bindun se mbas NATO\u2019s proceset politike n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb kan\u00eb me p\u00ebrfundue me themelimin e shtetit t\u00eb dyt\u00eb shqiptar n\u00eb Ballkan. Edhe Tirana zyrtare bile ende i referohet Kosov\u00ebs si \u2018shtet shqiptar\u2019. Kosova nuk asht shtet-komb, Kosova, njashtu si\u00e7 asht e sanksionueme edhe n\u00eb Kushtetut\u00eb, asht shtet qytetar. T\u00eb gjitha etnit\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb reprezentueme n\u00eb te. Asht shtet i t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve: edhe i serb\u00ebve, edhe i boshnjak\u00ebve, edhe i turqve. Kushtetuta u garanton ul\u00ebse n\u00eb Kuvend tana etnive tjera. Gjuha zyrtare asht edhe shqipja, edhe serbishtja, edhe anglishtja si e tret\u00eb. Kur i ke krejt k\u00ebto parasysh, ju e shihni se krejt ajo q\u00eb asht anticipue me gazet\u00ebn JAVA dhe me ato debate q\u00eb jan\u00eb zhvillue aty, ndodh\u00ebn me shpalljen e Pamvar\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb Kallnor t\u00eb vitit 2002, n\u00eb JAVA e kemi pas shpall konkursin p\u00ebr Flamurin e Kosov\u00ebs, si duhet me qen\u00eb dhe me u duk\u00eb Flamuri i Kosov\u00ebs. Kjo, asokohe, u pa si sakrilegj, si kijamet, si provokim i madh. Por, kur Kosova e shpalli pamvar\u00ebsin\u00eb, bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtori i kryeministrit Tha\u00e7it, zavend\u00ebskryeminstri, me t\u00eb cilin isha i af\u00ebrt, m\u2019tha: \u201cMigjen urime, u ba si\u00e7 deshte ti\u201d. I thash\u00eb: \u201cKadale, nuk asht kjo pun\u00eb d\u00ebshire, une ve\u00e7 jam mundu me anticipue dhe me ju ndihmu juve, q\u00eb mos t\u2019ju vjen si traum, se shteti ka me qen\u00eb qytetar\u201d. \u201cShtet \u00e7ik\u00eb\u201d i thojsha me humor Kosov\u00ebs asokohe, njashtu si\u00e7 n\u00eb familjet patriarkale shqiptare, kur lind \u00e7ik\u00eb, s\u2019ishte sihariq!<\/p>\n

Megjithat<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>, ju keni qen<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>nj<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>mb<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>shtet<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>s i veprimtaris<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>s<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>U\u00c7<\/strong>K-s\u00eb<\/strong>. Ndryshe nga politika e but<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>e Rugov<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>s, ju ishit m<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>pro k<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>saj pjese.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kur u shfaq ushtria dhe nisi me veprue, kjo ishte e papritun n\u00eb republik\u00ebn e Rugov\u00ebs, n\u00eb republik\u00ebn e LDK, ku propagandoheshin metoda paq\u00ebsore p\u00ebr veprim politik. N\u00eb vitet \u201990, Beogradi e kishte instalue nji semi-apartheid po i them, se nuk kisha me than\u00eb se ishte apartheid klasik, dhe Milo\u0161evi\u0107 e propagandonte sentenc\u00ebn: \u201cMir vlada na Kosovu\u201d! Paqja po mbretnon n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Nuk ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr intervenime nga jasht\u00eb. Kjo \u201cpaqe millosheviqiane\u201d, si\u00e7 e kam quejt edhe n\u00ebp\u00ebr artikujt e asaj kohe, ka qen\u00eb dasht\u00eb me \u00e7do kusht me u thye. Sepse, pa u thye paqja (e rreme), pa u kriju situata e konfliktit me Serbin\u00eb, nuk ka pas mund\u00ebsi bashk\u00ebsia nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare me intervenu. Nuk intervenohet n\u00eb nji vend ku ka \u201cpaqe\u201d. K\u00ebtu e shihni rolin e rand\u00ebsish\u00ebm historik t\u00eb Ushtris\u00eb \u00c7lirimtare t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, q\u00eb e then k\u00ebt\u00eb paqe t\u00eb rreme, e krijon situat\u00ebn e konfliktit dhe e hap rrug\u00ebn p\u00ebr intervenim.<\/p>\n

Sot kemi nj<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>realitet krejt tjet<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>r. Lider<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>t e U<\/strong>\u00c7<\/strong>K-s\u00eb<\/strong>\u00a0jan<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>n<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>n akuza nga Gjykata Speciale. <\/strong><\/p>\n

Asht observim, dedukcion i jemi personal gjithmon\u00eb: pjesa e par\u00eb tham\u00eb, ishte ajo pjesa e bukur e historis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, intervenimi, \u00e7lirimi, themelimi i shtetit, shpallja e pamvar\u00ebsis\u00eb. Gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebsaj kohe, Kosova, Prishtina politike ishte darling<\/em>, dashnorja amerikane, dashnorja europiane n\u00eb Ballkan. Krejt procesi i shtetformimit dhe pamvar\u00ebsis\u00eb asht ideue deri n\u00eb detaje, asht bashkrendue e realizue deri n\u00eb fund, deri te shpallja, me ndihm\u00ebn e State Department dhe qeverive europiane. Prandaj edhe pasuen ato 100 njohje menjiher\u00eb. Kjo ke ajo pjesa e bukur e nji relacioni ton\u00eb me amerikan\u00ebt dhe europian\u00ebt. Po \u00e7ka ndodhi n\u00eb k\u00ebte pjes\u00ebn e dyt\u00eb, kryesisht k\u00ebto 5 vjet\u00ebt e fundit?<\/p>\n

Radikalisht ka ndryshu q\u00ebndrimi amerikan ndaj Serbis\u00eb, sidomos mbas luft\u00ebs n\u2019Ukrain\u00eb. Serbia sot asht darling<\/em> e Sht\u00ebpis\u00eb s\u00eb Bardh\u00eb dhe e State Department. Politikani ma i rand\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst sot asht Vu\u010di\u0107. Asht personi p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb cilit k\u00ebto dy instanca t\u00eb nalta politike amerikane po p\u00ebrpiqen me \u00e7do kusht q\u00eb Serbin\u00eb, disi me e largu nga ndikimet ruse dhe nga ato kineze, p\u00ebr me e kthy rrug\u00ebn e Serbis\u00eb drejt Europ\u00ebs dhe NATO\u2019s.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

Kjo shkon n<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>kurriz t<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>Kosov<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>s?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Nuk asht n\u00eb kurriz t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. K\u00ebshtu po mendon qeveria e Kurtit, por kjo duhet me u pa nga nji kand ma i gjan\u00eb. \u00c7ka ka t\u00eb re? Nd<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>rrimi i politikave p<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>r rajonin dhe rip\u00ebrcaktimi i prioriteteve t\u00eb reja nga ana e Washingtonit dhe Brukselit. Sot <\/strong>fokusi<\/strong> a<\/strong>sht <\/strong>n\u2019Beograd, dhe protagonisti a<\/strong>sht <\/strong>Vu\u010di\u0107.<\/strong><\/p>\n

K\u00ebte detyr\u00eb, aspak t\u00eb leht\u00eb, ja ngarkojn\u00eb nji diplomati t\u00eb rryem, zotit Christopher Hill. Edhe pse i pensionuem, e ftojn\u00eb dhe ja japin ingerencat e plota n\u00eb k\u00ebte mision. Zoti Hill ka qen\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb i af\u00ebrt me autoritetet n\u2019Beograd. N\u00eb Konferenc\u00ebn e Rambouillet, ai shprehej kund\u00ebr intervenimit ushtarak ndaj Serbis\u00eb, dhe propagonte nji autonomi t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs mbrenda Serbie.<\/p>\n

Lufta n\u2019Ukrain\u00eb vet\u00ebmsa i akceleroi k\u00ebto politika e prioritete t\u00eb reja, q\u00eb si finale pat\u00ebn – kthimin e Serbis<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong> si fuqi rajonale. Sot Serbia perceptohet si partnere e shteteve perendimore, lidere e rajonit, kandidate per an<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>tar<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>sim n\u2019UE dhe NATO.<\/strong> Mir\u00ebpo, ky rikonfigurim i forcave politike n\u00eb rajon, ku Serbia duhet me qen\u00eb n\u00eb qend\u00ebr, ku Serbia asht prioriteti i qeverive perendimore, kerkonte edhe qeveri e protagonista te ri politik ne shtetet e rajonit. Pajtimi dhe komplementariteti i Beogradit me keto politika e prioritete perendimore nuk ishte pa kushte. Kthimi i influenc<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>s s<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong> Serbis<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong> n<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong> rajon, si para intervenimit te NATOs, dhe roli i ri i saj si lidere politike dhe ekonomike e rajonit, k<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>rkoi shembjen e tri qeverive n<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong> rajon. Influenca e Serbis<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong> ishte e cungueme dhe e pengueme me shpalljen e Pamvar<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>sis<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong> s<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong> Kosov<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>s, me qeverit<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong> sovraniste n<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong> Podgoric<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong> dhe n<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong> Shkup, andaj kjo situat<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong> duhej ndryshue. Protagonistat e shembjes se pengesave n<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong> m<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>nyr<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong> q<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong> Serbia me e rikthye influenc<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>n dhe rolin e saj n<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong> rajon, n<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong> drit<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>n e prioriteteve t<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong> reja perendimore, ishin Edi Rama, Dritan Abazoviq, Albin Kurti dhe Hristian Mickoski.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Mbrenda k\u00ebtyne ndryshimeve, duhet me e pa dhe kuptue edhe Gjykat\u00ebn Speciale, si kusht i paevituesh\u00ebm i Beogradit, q\u00eb reprezentuesit e luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, suksesin e t\u00eb cil\u00ebve Beogradi gjithmon\u00eb e ka p\u00ebrjetue si ofendim, medoemos me u gjykue dhe me u largue nga skena politike e Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Pra jan<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>interesa gjeopolitike. Po interesat e Kosov<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>s ku q<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>ndrojn<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>n<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>k<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>t<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>konfigurimin e ri, le t<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>themi, t<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>Ballkanit? <\/strong><\/p>\n

Kam droe se ky rip\u00ebrcaktim i prioriteteve dhe ky rikonfigurim i pozicioneve n\u00eb rajon, nuk po lexohet sakt\u00eb dhe nuk po kuptohet mir\u00eb. N\u00ebse Serbia na qenka sot prioriteti amerikan dhe europian i rajonit, kjo nuk domethan\u00eb se qeveria n\u00eb Kosove u dashka me marre pozicion refuzues ndaj k\u00ebtyne prioriteteve. Kosova nuk e ka komoditetin mos me qen\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunuese dhe komplementare me politikat amerikane e europiane n\u00eb rajon. Nji qeveri e p\u00ebrgjegjshme do duhej me e gjet\u00eb vendin dhe interesin e vet n\u00eb k\u00ebte konstalacion t\u00eb ri t\u00eb forcave n\u00eb rajon. Ky pozicion q\u00eb sot e ka qeveria n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, p\u00ebr mu asht i gabuem, sepse po na qet jasht\u00eb skene, po na antagonizon me faktor\u00ebt ma t\u00eb rand\u00ebsish\u00ebm nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb, bashkudh\u00ebtar\u00ebt e shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb son\u00eb, pa t\u00eb cil\u00ebt, aktin e fundit q\u00eb mbeti pa u krye – rrumbullakimin e njohjes s\u00eb subjektivitetit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs – nuk mundemi me e krye.<\/p>\n

Po Vu\u010di\u0107<\/strong>, q<\/strong>\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb <\/strong>punuar me t<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>, por nuk <\/strong>\u00ebsht\u00eb <\/strong>nd<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>rruar?<\/strong><\/p>\n

M<\/strong>endoj se ai ka ndrrue. Lexojeni Marr\u00ebveshjen e Ohrit, mos e ndigjoni retorik\u00ebn e tij populiste. Marr\u00ebveshja asht arrit\u00eb. Pun\u00eb e kryeme. K\u00ebto p\u00ebrrallat p\u00ebr n\u00ebnshkrim e \u00e7\u2019n\u00ebnshkrim jan\u00eb populiz\u00ebm p\u00ebr votues e militanta. Edhe Kurti e pranon: \u201cPo, e kam pranu Marr\u00ebveshjen e Ohrit, por e kam n\u00eb pako!\u201d. Nuk ka dyshime q\u00eb ka marr\u00ebveshje mes Prishtin\u00ebs e Beogradit. Jemi vet\u00ebm te faza e implementimit, me \u00e7far\u00eb tempoje, kur\u2026Pjesa tjet\u00ebr asht e kryeme. Vu\u010di\u0107 deklarativisht shprehet se \u2018kurr\u00eb s\u2019kam me e njoft\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn\u201d, e n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, lidh\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje me reprezentuesin e nji shteti q\u00eb nuk njeh! Vu\u010di\u0107 e ka nji t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb p\u00ebr votuesin dhe publikun n\u00eb Serbi, dhe nji t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebr partner\u00ebt nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n

Opozita e Kosov<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>s, ku q<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>ndron n<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>k<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>t<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>politik<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>t<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>madhe, por edhe n<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>vend?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Opozita e cila ka marr\u00eb nji pozicion gati t\u00eb m\u00ebndafsht opozitar, q\u00eb mjaftohet vet\u00ebm me deklarata publike, kritikuese, nuk mendoj se mundet me prue ndryshim. Pozicioni i opozit\u00ebs n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb nuk asht p\u00ebr me u lavdue. Nuk po shoh se di\u00e7ka substanciale po ndodh n\u00eb at\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb aren\u00ebs politike dhe nuk po shoh se kemi me pas kushedi \u00e7far\u00eb ndryshimi t\u00eb madh n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Kjo nuk dometh\u00ebn\u00eb se qeveria Kurti i ka t\u00eb garantueme 50%. D\u00ebshtimet n\u00eb ekonomi, n\u00eb arsim, n\u00eb sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsi, n\u00eb pun\u00ebsim, n\u00eb diplomaci\u2026. t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb Kurtit, e kan\u00eb tagrin e vet.<\/p>\n

N<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>konjuktur<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>n e re, <\/strong>cilat jan<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>shanset q<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>t<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>ket<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>njohje t<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>nd<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>rsjell<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong> mes Kosov<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>s e Serbis<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>? <\/strong>Cila <\/strong>\u00ebsht\u00eb <\/strong>rruga e re q<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>Serbia ta njoh<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>pavar<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>sin<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>e Kosov<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>s? Le ta themi tro\u00e7<\/strong>, planet e Tha<\/strong>\u00e7<\/strong>it p<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>r shk<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>mbim territoresh?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Nuk ka qen\u00eb as ide e as plan i Tha\u00e7it shk\u00ebmbimi. Ishin Vu\u010di\u0107, Edi Rama dhe Grenell q\u00eb e josh\u00ebn Tha\u00e7in me ju bashkue. Ka qen\u00eb shum\u00eb e guximshme ajo ide. Nuk po them q\u00eb s\u2019kishte me qen\u00eb nji zgjidhje, por kjo nuk bahet pa faktor\u00ebt nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

Po sikur kjo t<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>jet<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>e vetmja zgjidhje?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Oh jo, nuk asht. Kosova shtet, Kosova e pamvarun, Kosova europiane asht zgjidhja. Nisjani ma s\u2019pari me m\u00ebsue gegnisht k\u00ebtu n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb, nisjani me u adaptue e me u m\u00ebsue me Prishtin\u00ebn si qend\u00ebr e re politike, kulturore, ekonomike, si shtet i ri i Ballkanit, dhe me na pa si partner.<\/p>\n

Gabim asht kjo qasje e Tiran\u00ebs. Dobrica \u0106osi\u0107 asht konsiderue gjithmon\u00eb baba i mendimit politik serb. Ai ka dal\u00eb i pari me tez\u00ebn razgrani\u010denje <\/em>(ndamje, p\u00ebrcaktim kufini). Hera e par\u00eb q\u00eb e kam ndigju k\u00ebte ide ka qen\u00eb n\u00eb vitet \u201980, ku propozohej Kosova me u nda mes Serbis\u00eb e Shqipnis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>se komuniteti nd<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>rkomb<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>tar <\/strong>\u00ebsht\u00eb dakord me k\u00eb<\/strong>t<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>, \u00e7far<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>q<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>ndrimi duhet t<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>mbaj<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>shoq<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>ria shqiptare? A duhet ta b<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>j<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>k<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>t<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>kompromis t<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>dhimbsh<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>m? Cila <\/strong>\u00ebsht\u00eb <\/strong>rruga alternative q<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>Serbia ta njoh<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>pavar<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>sin<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>e Kosov<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>s, me <\/strong>\u00e7far<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>presioni? <\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00c7ka ka t\u00eb keqe me pas edhe nji shtet n\u2019Ballkan ku predominant jan\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt? Keq po e p\u00ebrjetojn\u00eb ve\u00e7 n\u2019Beograd, sepse simbas tyne, ky shtet i ri po nd\u00ebrtohet mbi cop\u00ebn e territorit t\u00eb tyne. Nuk asht se Vu\u010di\u0107 e don shum\u00eb Edi Ram\u00ebn, po p\u00ebrmes tij, Vu\u010di\u0107 po i ban bypass <\/em>Kosov\u00ebs, institucioneve, reprezentimit politik t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, dhe p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn ma shum\u00eb po flet me k\u00ebte politikanin me patika, Ram\u00ebn. E Rama, nga ana tej\u00ebr, po i p\u00eblqen ky rol q\u00eb ja ka dhan\u00eb Vu\u010di\u0107, dhe ka nis me mendue se mundet me reprezentu interesin politik t\u00eb Prishtin\u00ebs. Gabim gjigand i tij. N\u2019Prishtin\u00eb i thojm\u00eb \u2018shoki i Batonit\u2019 (Haxhiut:)<\/p>\n

Cila <\/strong>\u00ebsht\u00eb <\/strong>ideja intelektuale autentike kosovare q<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>Serbia ta njoh<\/strong>\u00eb <\/strong>pavar<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>sin<\/strong>\u00eb<\/strong>? <\/strong><\/p>\n

Nuk asht n\u00eb fuqin\u00eb ton\u00eb. Asnjiher\u00eb bashk\u00ebsia nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare nuk ja ka vu si kusht Serbis\u00eb njohjen e Kosov\u00ebs. Hala n\u2019Serbi s\u2019ka lind ai njeri q\u00eb guxon me e njoft\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn shtet. Ndoshta gjeneratat tjera t\u00eb politikan\u00ebve, nuk jan\u00eb k\u00ebta. Po, nuk kisha me e vu theksin te njohja formale, s\u2019po na duhet me na njoft\u00eb Serbia formalisht, po de facto<\/em>. Serbia na duhet p\u00ebr me na ndihmu me e zgjidh\u00eb problemin n\u00eb veri, i cili asht shnd\u00ebrrue n\u00eb penges\u00eb p\u00ebr rrumbullakim e subjektiviteti ton\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Serbia na duhet si nji shtet kojshi, me t\u00eb cilin kemi me qen\u00eb n\u00eb relacione paqe e bashk\u00ebpunimi. Besoj se edhe njohja formale prej Serbie ka me ndodh\u00eb, me nji gjenerat\u00eb t\u00eb re t\u00eb politikan\u00ebve, kur t\u00eb krijohet nji realitet i ri mbas p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb subjektivitetit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, i cili nuk kryhet, p\u00ebr pa u krye \u00e7ashtja e veriut.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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